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" (qtd.). It was later found that the woman was recently divorced and had psychological issues which she tried to address through plastic surgery. Interventions for these women and adolescence should be taken. Such interventions should reflect the unique features of anger expression among girls and teach them how to express anger in acceptable ways. These would focus on problem-solving and communication skills. Considering that girls reported low levels of school satisfaction, which is a significant risk factor for suicidal ideation, it is important to provide appropriate school-based services for girls. Also, in regards to those women who commit suicide due to plastic surgery, interventions must be taken on hand before they undergo the process. A screening of patients who request for plastic surgery must be done to identify the emotional status as well as their reasons for plastic surgery. The present has several limitations. The first is the self-report bias.

Several difficulties are inherent in the assessment of suicidal ideation. It has been found that studies indicate that the anger measurement could have been underreported by boys, who may not have taken the survey as seriously as one would hope. The second is that all participants were from one city in South Korea. Thus recruiting adolescents from different areas, including rural regions on a random basis could increase the generalizability of the findings. Despite these limitations, results of this study have significant clinical implications. This anger is reflected upon the adolescents found to make suicide pacts online. Along with the story of suicide protest discussed above, many findings believe that suicides and suicide letters are misinterpreted. Usually, the adolescent who commits the act is found channeling unhealthy anger towards one thing, therefore leads his or her own kind of suicide protest to whatever cause he or she believes is triggering the anger. Adolescents experiencing high levels of anger are more likely than adolescents with lower levels of anger to report suicidal ideation. Interestingly, the girls who were above the threshold point of anger score manifested a steep increase in suicidal ideation. Based on these literature reviews, it is recommended that suicide prevention programs focusing on anger management be offered to adolescents who exhibit early signs of anger problems and suicidal tendencies.

Suicide rates among Korean adolescents have recently increased, and there is increasing public concern regarding the issue of youth suicide in South Korea. We found that in these adolescents, their families showed higher levels of family-related problems such as intra-familial sexual abuse, psychotic disorders, depression, epilepsy, chronic illness, alcoholism, and family histories of suicidal behavior, compared to the families of those study participants who did not attempt suicide. These intra-familial dysfunctions relate to the pressure the media may be putting on adolescence to be perfect, thus resulting to plastic surgery. Not only did families in which adolescent suicide attempts occur have more dysfunctional family dynamics, adolescents who attempted suicide expressed significantly higher levels of psychosomatic symptoms, frustration, and depression than those who did not attempt suicide. The adolescent who attempted suicide showed a significantly lower level of life satisfaction and less effective coping strategies than those adolescents who did not. This coincides with the popular trend of plastic surgery in Korea, where women feel unsatisfied with how they look, and turn to artificial ways to be able to control one aspect of their lives. Based on the findings, there is a regression analysis which can be used, five predictors appeared to be significant in the following order: coping strategies; parental child-rearing pattern; depression; parent-child relationship; and psychosomatic symptoms. In other words, the odds ratio for the risk of attempted suicide was highest in adolescents who used less effective coping strategies. Adolescents who were subjected to a dysfunctional parental child-rearing pattern as well as those with a higher level of depression, a poor parent-child relationship, and/or a higher level of psychosomatic symptoms had the second, third, fourth, and fifth greatest increased risk of attempted suicide, respectively. It is therefore concluded that Korean adolescents who are exposed to these risk factors have less effective personal coping strategies and more readily engage in suicidal behavior.

While suicide occurs in numbers across countries, it has rarely been used as a form of collective action. Yet the world has witnessed an unexpected surge in suicide protest since World War II. In the past, scholars tended to emphasize the psychopathological origin of suicide protest. Even more recent studies, while recognizing its political significance, continue to emphasize that suicide protest was at least partially motivated by egocentric or psychological motivations, such as feelings of alienation, dissipating hope, and frustration (Park, 1994; Jorgensen-Earp, 1987; Treptow, 1989; Biggs, 2005); personal pursuit of "purity of conscience" (Park, 1994); "redemption fi-om personal failings" (Biggs, 2005); attentive audience (Jorgensen -Earp, 1987); or even "vanity" (Biggs, 2005). However, the findings of this paper challenges this excessive focus on egocentric or psychological motivations for suicide protest. While they would hardly be rejected completely, these explanations cannot provide an overarching theoretical model for analyzing various incidents of suicide protest that occur across various contexts with varying outcomes. All collective action is fundamentally purposive and goal oriented.

The suicide notes left by suicide protesters in Korea unequivocally demonstrate that they committed suicide protest as a form -- a highly unusual form -- of collective action to advance the cause of their movement (Doan, 1990). While suicide is used as a protest whether it be from internal or external factors, it was distinct from other forms of protest. The conventional forms of collective action such as demonstrations, strikes, and boycotts are all designed to force concessions from opponents by disrupting the normal functioning of a social system (Doan, 1990). Accordingly, they are all directed at the opponents. In contrast, most incidents of suicide protest in Korea had potential supporters of the movements such as college students, union members, and colleagues at a workplace, and the people of the country as their key target audience. In addition, the suicide notes left by suicide protesters explicitly reveal that they committed suicide protest in order to inspire movement activism among half-hearted activists and apathetic bystanders. To achieve this goal, many suicide protesters consciously engaged in various framing tactics, such as portraying the current political and economic system as unjust and illegitimate (injustice framing), holding the apathy and inaction of their target audience as ultimately responsible for the injustices (diagnosis framing), and issuing a wake-up call and urging the target audience to join the movement (prognosis framing). These strongly suggest that, at least in Korea, most of the suicide protests were made not only as a protest, but as a means to mobilize the "hearts and minds" of the people (Doan, 1990). Given these explicit objectives entailed in suicide protest, it is not surprising that suicide protesters have been received, at least by fellow activists, as well as martyrs who willingly sacrificed their own lives to advance the cause of a movement and thereby the good of the general public. As a form of "altruistic suicide" (Durkheim, 1951), their action symbolizes an ultimate example of sacrifice among insurgent movement communities and provides a ratifying point for invigorated movement activism by those left behind, as is amply demonstrated in the case of Chun Tae-il, who is regarded as the eternal symbol of the labor movement in the country.

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